Two great icons of public space, major and minor, give the extent of the invalidity of the debate in France: Stéphane Hessel, a mixture of old wise, a veteran, just like the demographics in France (which we reread the text of Barthes devoted to Abbe Pierre in his Mythologies ), which can greet the respectable path. But now this indefatigable indignant indefinite seems to make his fights as far as a political horizon unsurpassable obsolete (eulogy of the old welfare state which takes water from all sides) and the sentimentality of a fair, kind lady patroness, the loan -to-think-and-ultimate act. Behind the hollow rhetoric of "solidarity", "justice", "equality", "outrage" the old man do not stifle less pleasant problems of today's youth for the benefit of a rise in lyrical abstraction that suits all conformists unable to give a future to the youth who is the loser in their social model gamy. And France is no shortage of conservatives on both left and right ready for all the outrage when it comes to introducing a little life into their waxworks! Let the dead bury their dead and mourn them, will be our privilege to come alive in the new life (Marx) ... But descend below (and not going further), Alain Badiou, the last vestige of the Cold War, after a small pamphlet against a small President not poorly conceived, the opportunity to show his great love of youth, the communist hypothesis, which he collects here and there the palpable signs of its relevance, even urgency. Needless to seek a critical inventory of the twentieth century in this pure product of the Cold War, Stalinism, socialism real repression of opponents, the policing generalized scarcity, poverty ... all this gives way to experience South American Recent (Chavez of course, but certainly not Lulla who successfully led ambitious reforms in Brazil, and obtained many advanced socially, without doubt it is too "social traitors" in the eyes of our révolutionnarologue). In an article published in Le Monde on 18 February, Mr. Badiou lends itself to deciphering difficult "hot" revolutions in Egypt and Tunisia. His prose is worthy of attention as it is for the younger generation a piece of anthology of "world upside down" which served as a place to waffle Communist
- Inflation in generalities, abstractions that make it impossible to understand a complex reality "without the Communist movement, no movement communism", use of this general truth ("The people, the people alone is the creator of universal history ")...
- effect of heat, a classic style stalin, to disqualify without arguing, possible objections: "It is obscurantist to say" this movement calls for democracy. "Does he mean he would understand" progressive " to say that this movement claimed the dictatorship of the proletariat?
- more worrying "a mystique of the people" that seems to magically expect (it is far from dialectical materialism) the "big night" heavenly solving all problems of humanity (if yes!):
"The uprising People we are talking about is obviously unbiased, without hegemonic organization without a recognized leader. There will be time to assess whether this feature is a strength or a weakness. In any case what he has done, in a very pure form, probably the purest since the Paris Commune, all the features of what is called a communist movement. "Communism" here means: joint creation of collective destiny. This "common" has two special features. First, it is generic, representing, in a place of all humanity. In this place, there are all sorts of people a people is composed, is heard every word, any proposal under consideration, any difficulties being treated for what it is. Then, he overcomes all the major contradictions in which the state claims that only he can never manage to break them: between intellectual and manual, between men and women, between rich and poor, between Muslims and Copts, among people of the province and people in the capital. " What catechism! Since John Paul II was little better!
. Purloined speech expressed the benefit of a formal ideological: it is more to grasp the novelty and substance of the revolutionary movement through the polysemy of its actors but to include a priori a speech which he would be a normed illustration exemplary and edifying Hence the emphasis on exegesis, that Badiou himself ", which must be translated (and betray) the aspirations of the revolutionaries in the classical language of class struggle "The Tunisian and Egyptian peoples tell us ... "And they told us exactly the opposite of all these badiouseries?
At that stage, one can not help thinking that the formula of Castoriadis in the journal Socialism and Barbarism described the USSR "degenerated workers state", it is today "State union" of Marxism but the decomposition produced by reaction curious mixtures based mystic, forgery and praise of violent action, among retirees who claim it again:
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no proletariat here but "popular classes" who paid full price to read our revolutionary red card during the event instead of the middle class gentrified, and necessarily conservative: is it safe? Demographics, education level, Tunisia ... lead to a revolutionary mobilization of youth literate, educated, and completely deprived of a future in an authoritarian society blocked, it seems to aspire to Alain Badiou conquests sovereign contempt: democracy and pluralism accommodates probably quite a bit of a "people" that we would hear speak with one voice (Ah, the good old days of single party here replaced by the single people!).
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No proletariat but still a mystique of the little people, the poor who must symbolically to indict an unjust world and announce the doomsday ... we are very far from the social and political issues and closer a theology of revolution (the revolution is the end of history and the advent of universal justice!) to which the Tunisian and Egyptian movement yet seem very foreign.
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Finally, at the bottom of this drift mystical core of the nineteenth centuries: no revolution without violence " was everywhere talked about the quiet peaceful demonstrations huge, and we related to this quiet place of elective democracy that lent the movement. Note however that there were deaths in the hundreds, and there are still each day. In many cases, the dead were fighters and martyrs of the initiative and the protection of the movement itself. Political and symbolic places of the uprising had to be kept at the cost of fierce fighting against the militia and police regimes threatened. And there, who paid with his person, if young people from the poorest populations? That the "middle classes", which our unexpected Michele Alliot-Marie said the Democratic outcome of the sequence being dependent on them and them alone, remember that crucial time, duration the uprising has been guaranteed by the wholehearted commitment of detachments popular. Defensive violence is inevitable. It continues the rest, in difficult conditions in Tunisia, after being returned to their misery provincial youth activists. "It boggles some Stalinist and Conservatives have done the same trick in 1968: this is not a revolution, there are not enough dead! But violence was not the fact of the demonstrators, whenever they are threatened that the powers in Tunisia, Libya and Egypt have resorted to repression to crush dissent. Violence is not the primary condition for the truth in history, nor the fate of a revolutionary movement! What about the soft power that the new technologies of information and communication to the twenty-first? Have not weighed in the massive mobilization of protest to the point of overflowing power? Of course, when it is still the hammer and sickle, difficult to understand the interest of the computer ... Badiou and completely ignored the role of the army in the victory achieved by the demonstrators: in societies without economic strength, dominated by corruption, "hogra," the army is still the only way out for young people without perspective, the only way to escape the inevitability of a miserable situation, Badiou Has he forgotten the example of the Soviet Union and its bureaucracy? Egypt's army is at the heart of power, as in Algeria, the power to "buy" the loyalty of youth without a future that can feed the battalions of malcontents such as Algeria alongside Fis in the 90's through a "career" and some privileges in law enforcement. They are potential allies, not enemies of class! These are not the "wretched of the earth" that were at the forefront of protests Tunisian and Egyptian youth but, asking not the end of "capitalism" and "liberal democracy" they have never known unlike Badiou, but unconditional freedom (including Today nobody knows how it will decline) more reminiscent of the liberal revolutions of centuries past and the inevitable collapse of "Soviet republics" (sic) after the fall of the Berlin Wall. (Snif. .. sniff ... a handkerchief?). This "defensive violence" justified in the name of revolutionary necessity is it not a principle of knighthood granted to any minority who would self-proclaimed tomorrow by the physical elimination of "enemies of the revolution" a work of public health? What did the PCF in 1956 when protesters in Hungary were crushed by Soviet tanks " A few months later, the PCF chose to block and give its full support for repression, by the Pact troops Warsaw, the Hungarian uprising. In this repression we could understand how the policy statements contradicted the socialist ideals that inspire us and how she dirtied our fight. We could see clearly in this popular uprising, the inability of the Soviet system to realize the ideals of communism, and thus the need to put everything flat. We have seen that there conspiracy "(Marie-George Buffet, PCF 1956, opening text, www.gabrielperi.fr). What an admission! Alain Badiou seems to consider that the middle classes do are not really involved "real people" any more than young people elsewhere and that the "real people" must be able to defend itself against its enemies, the "fake" people ... the reference to Marat announces she some call a "terror" redemptive and purifying? Neither the middle class or the working classes can be summarized Rise of the youth of today that all classes and all places require a change of regime in Tunisia and Egypt in the off-topic and Badiou Allio-Marie, tied to a reading in terms of social classes, blind to the special place for young people in these movements, but does not preclude indeed constitute a complementary pair and predictable.
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" Yes, we must be the school of these movements, not their stupid teachers. Because they make life in the genius of their own inventions, some policy principles which have long sought to convince us they are obsolete. And especially to the principle that Marat kept in mind: when it comes to freedom, equality, emancipation, we must popular riots. " Yes, we must be attentive to the students begin by Professor (stupid?) Badiou as these movements relate to our social mobilizations Franco-French image deeply conservative, unable to offer new answers to the problems the country faces, particularly As regards the situation worse for young people. Yes degenerate Marxism is outdated, and it takes many twists and falsifications in order to enlist the young demonstrators in Tunisia and Egypt, not the riots do not necessarily lead to the best of worlds badiouesque they can install theocracies, dictatorships (Nazism Was only worn by the bourgeoisie and the Khmer Rouge are they an invention of big business?). But obviously Badiou does not have adequate software to understand the "real movement of things," a grammar of revolutions a little finer, and in particular the role of ambivalent revolutionary uprisings of youth, and yet if it was any less attentive, he might consider meditate on and speeches like this one: " However, this rebellious youth today has a wider potential space. She will occupy? Situating themselves on the fundamental rights of individuals and groups on building a vibrant democracy, shared values and common laws, it is better anchored in the population and the political landscape. The issue is not choosing a flag bearer and his team to win. The challenge is to define a democratic common ground upon which, henceforth, will pit the different ways of seeing. The call to launching a national convention, decentralized, pluralistic, non-sectarian, would no doubt be appropriate. But who is in a position to ensure its recognition, to ensure its political pluralism, the diversity of actors and their popular base? " http://revolutiontunisie.wordpress.com/2011/01/13/le-soulevement-de-la-jeunesse-en-tunisie-est-une-vraie-revolte-politique/
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